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Deep State: Shadow Networks and Unelected Power

By Medici May 19, 2026
Networks operating as complex networks operate: through shared information environments, overlapping personnel, and emergent coordination that no single actor fully directs. The strategy requires no secrecy, only complexity. That complexity is precisely what makes it difficult to track — and precisely what makes it durable. Individual actors can be replaced; the network structure persists. The open question is whether the constitutional order being targeted is itself sufficiently complex and adaptive to generate a countervailing response — or whether complexity, in this instance, only compounds the asymmetry.
Deep State: Shadow Networks and Unelected Power

The instinct, when confronted with material like this, is to reach for conspiracy as the explanatory frame — a master plan, a secret cabal, a hidden hand directing events toward a predetermined end. That instinct is wrong, and it is worth saying so at the outset, not because the operations described here are benign, but because the conspiracy frame actually understates what is happening. What the DataRepublican investigations document is more interesting and more durable than a conspiracy. It is the emergent coordination of a complex network — one that requires no master plan precisely because everyone is reading from the same published text.

Two operations are described. The first — traceable through foundation grants, commission reports, and NGO coordination documents — is a blueprint to restructure the American constitutional order through 31 specific recommendations, with a stated target date of July 4, 2026. The second is a personnel reservoir: a nonprofit assembled with Soros funding between Democratic administrations, which discharged 46 of its 70 members into senior Biden administration positions and is now actively recruiting for 2028. Neither is secret in the conventional sense. The documents are public. The personnel are publicly identifiable. What has been absent is the synthesis — the line drawn between a 2013 Rockefeller Brothers Fund initiative and a 2023 NGO coordination document, or between a 2017 Foreign Policy article outlining four scenarios for removing a sitting president and a 2020 election war-game that modeled institutional refusal to certify results.

The constitutional restructuring effort begins with Stephen Heintz, president of the Rockefeller Brothers Fund, who in 2013 convened nine major foundations — Open Society, Carnegie, MacArthur, Hewlett, Packard, Mellon, Kellogg, Rockefeller Foundation, and RBF itself — under a “National Purpose Initiative” with the stated aim of producing a shared agenda of national priorities by 2016. The initiative produced nothing. Then came the 2016 election, and Heintz pivoted. He recruited the American Academy of Arts and Sciences (AAAS) as institutional host — a body chartered in Massachusetts in 1780, older than the Constitution itself — secured a founding grant from the S.D. Bechtel, Jr. Foundation, and relaunched the project as a formal AAAS commission, carrying the original title “Our Common Purpose” with him. He also moved from project manager to named co-chair, while continuing to preside over the Rockefeller Brothers Fund, which would later grant $500,000 specifically for implementation of the commission’s report.

The commission’s 2020 output bore no resemblance to its 2013 mandate. Thirty-one structural recommendations: expansion of the U.S. House by at least 50 seats, 18-year Supreme Court term limits, ranked-choice voting nationwide, a constitutional amendment on campaign finance, universal civic service, citizens’ assemblies interfacing directly with Congress. Commissioner Carolyn Lukensmeyer stated publicly that the commission had “targeted our 250th anniversary as a point to put a stake in the ground” — July 4, 2026. The Ford Foundation added $250,000 “FOR OUR COMMON PURPOSE: REINVENTING AMERICAN DEMOCRACY.” Hewlett followed. The funder’s own president co-chairs the commission the funder then pays to implement. This is a structural conflict of interest that would be worth noting even if the recommendations were modest.

The operational layer arrived in September 2022. Carnegie Endowment senior fellow Rachel Kleinfeld — who sat on the Democracy Funders Network advisory board for the same commission — published “Five Strategies to Support U.S. Democracy,” which dismissed conventional political approaches (helping Democrats win elections, fixing gerrymandering, economic redistribution) as “insufficient.” Her Strategy #4 prescribed NGO saturation: “a broad-based, multistranded, prodemocracy movement around a positive vision concretized in locally rooted action.” By September 2023, the Inter-Movement Impact Project, housed within the Hewlett-backed Mediators Foundation and with Heintz as a partner, was formally coordinating 10,000 NGOs with the explicit purpose of realizing Kleinfeld’s Strategy #4. A companion document mapped all 31 OCP recommendations to implementation targets. The architecture — a published blueprint, an operational manual written by an advisor to the funders, a coordination layer connecting 10,000 actors — requires no master plan. It only requires that the same published documents be read by the same networked institutions.

The second operation is less architecturally clean but more immediately consequential. Ten days into Trump’s first term, Rosa Brooks — former Special Counsel to the Open Society Institute, former Pentagon counselor — published a Foreign Policy article outlining four scenarios for removing the new president: impeachment, the 25th Amendment, cabinet revolt, and military coup. She described the last as “a possibility that until recently I would have said was unthinkable.” Within the same year, National Security Action was quietly incorporated. It launched publicly in February 2018 with approximately 70 members: ten staff and sixty advisory council members, 88.6% of them Obama administration alumni. Co-chairs were Ben Rhodes, Obama’s deputy national security advisor, and Jake Sullivan, who would become Biden’s national security advisor. Rosa Brooks sat on the advisory council.

Of the 70 members, 46 — 65.7% — received Biden administration appointments. The funding moved through a documented chain: George Soros’s personal wealth flows into the Fund for Policy Reform, a 501(c)(4) with approximately $841 million in assets, which distributes to the Open Society Policy Center, on whose boards Alexander Soros sits. The Action Fund sent NSA confirmed totals of $3.25 million in 2019, $1.5 million in 2021, $900,000 in 2023, and $2.5 million in 2024. Total confirmed from Open Society to NSA: $8.2 million — 67% of all documented grant revenue.

The appointment pipeline ran through a structural arrangement that rewards scrutiny. Cathy Russell served as Director of the White House Presidential Personnel Office from January 20, 2021 to January 31, 2022, overseeing every cabinet secretary, deputy secretary, assistant secretary, NSC director, and ambassador selected during that period. Russell is married to Tom Donilon, former Obama national security advisor and NSA advisory council member. Between 10 and 14 NSA members received senior national security appointments requiring her office’s coordination during her tenure. No public record of formal recusal exists. Caroline Tess ran NSA as Executive Director and also led the Biden-Harris transition team responsible for confirming national security cabinet secretaries. The person who ran the organization whose members were being placed also ran the process that placed them. Tom Perriello served simultaneously as Executive Director of the Open Society Policy Center — NSA’s primary funder — and as a member of NSA’s advisory council.

When Biden took office, NSA announced it would dissolve. IRS filings document what actually happened: $1.5 million received from Open Society in the “dissolution year” of 2021. Zero revenue in 2022, but $660,686 in expenditures burning the reserve. Then $900,000 in 2023, with Tess drawing a full-time salary of $267,000 and the organization spending $742,244 on events — double its events budget in any prior operational year. The word NSA insiders use is “hibernation.” The public relaunch came February 5, 2024, when Tess issued a statement claiming that “the dire threat of a second Trump Administration necessitates that we once again mobilize.” Her 2023 salary confirms the operation was running from January 2023 at minimum — thirteen months before the announcement.

NSA’s affiliate, Win Without War — legally still registered as “New Security Action” — launched a billboard campaign at military bases in October 2025 directing servicemembers to question their orders, in partnership with the National Lawyers Guild’s Military Law Task Force. One month later, six Democratic lawmakers released a video telling active-duty troops they could “refuse illegal orders.” One of the six was Rep. Maggie Goodlander of New Hampshire, married to Jake Sullivan. In May 2026, NSA announced Maher Bitar — arriving directly from Chief Counsel and National Security Adviser to Senator Adam Schiff — as its new Executive Director. The organization is actively hiring for the 2028 cycle. Its website still lists no staff, no board members, no advisory council, no annual report, and no financial disclosures.

Both operations exhibit the same structural logic. A foundational document is produced under institutional cover — a Massachusetts charter older than the Constitution, an Obama-era alumni network — while a funding chain obscures the primary backer behind layered 501(c)(4) vehicles. Personnel rotate between funder boards, funded organizations, and government, often simultaneously. Coordination layers are created to prevent any single document from serving as a master plan. And each operation operates on a target timeline: the semiquincentennial for constitutional restructuring; the 2028 election cycle for national security personnel placement.

What this reveals is not a conspiracy but a network operating exactly as complex networks operate: through shared information environments, overlapping personnel, and emergent coordination that no single actor fully directs. The strategy requires no secrecy, only complexity. That complexity is precisely what makes it difficult to track — and precisely what makes it durable. Individual actors can be replaced; the network structure persists. The open question is whether the constitutional order being targeted is itself sufficiently complex and adaptive to generate a countervailing response — or whether complexity, in this instance, only compounds the asymmetry.

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